About your Search

20120926
20121004
Search Results 0 to 13 of about 14 (some duplicates have been removed)
about civil-rights. the second part of your question, how did he get kennedy -- it takes a lot of pages in this book to talk about all the things he does but the thing he does on the instant, this bill appears to be totally dead. he says didn't someone file a discharge petition? discharge petition had been filed -- this bill was in a committee that was never going to let it out. wasn't even the senate. still in the house rules committee which was shared by judge howard w. smith and would even give a date. the bill was going nowhere. johnson remembers someone filed a discharge petition to take away from that committee. that was -- a discharge petition ever -- never passed. violation of house rules and no president had ever gotten behind one before. johnson calls the representative who introduces it and representative of missouri has been told by the leaders dropped this thing and listen to johnson in this telephone call to see a genius in human nature because the first half of the call, we can't violate the house pre ♪ >> this is book tv's live coverage of the national books s festival
program, civil-rights and everyone of his major -- was stalled by the southern committee chairman who controlled congress, to see him get that program up and running and has it, ramming it through. to watch lyndon johnson do that in the first weeks after kennedy's assassination is a lesson in what a president can do if he not only knows all the levers to pull but has the will. in lyndon johnson's case almost vicious drive to do it, to win, to say over and over again as i am always saying to myself when i do the research look what he is doing. look what he is doing here. i don't say i succeeded but i tried to explain that in my books. to me, to see him doing that is something that is not only fascinating but revelatory given true insight into how power works in washington. there is another reason i don't get tired of doing these books on lyndon johnson. you are always learning something new. that goes even if what you are researching is something that has been written about a thousand or ten thousand times already as the case in the centerpiece of this book, the assassination of presid
secretary for civil rights in the u.s. department of education and is chairman of the u.s. equal opportunity commission from 1982 to 1990. he became a judge of the u.s. court of appeals in district of columbia circuit and 1990 and president bush nominated him as associate justice of the supreme court and he took his seat on october 203rd 1991. please welcome justice thomas and professor mark to the stage. [applause] >> thank you, ladies and tennant love for that extra nearly gracious, warm welcome. thank you for the national archives and the staff for making this event possible. thanks also, special thanks to the federalist society and the constitutional accountability center and thank you, justice thomas and off for being with us today as we mark the 225th birthday of our constitution. i guess i would like to start that conversation with the words the constitution starts with. we, the people. what that phrase means to you, how that freeze has changed over time thanks to the amendments and other developments. who is this we? when did folks like you when i become part of this? >> well, obviou
by a drone. >> hi, i am a holocaust survivor and a civil rights veteran. and what i see happening in this country as they move towards fascism, which very much resembles that of our germany, which silenced pretty much the labor movement, which restrict to voter participation in the media as well. we no longer have the media that takes on the lives that are being spread and that we are being fed on a daily basis. there are very few outlets we can actually read or hear the truth of what is happening in our government. and my fear is that we are going down a really steep and quick ascent into fascism and i think that is very worrisome. and i am a fighter and i have no idea anymore how this can be stopped because i don't see that there is a movement. he says even when it's hopeless, we have to continue to battle, but there doesn't seem to be a cohesive movement like there was in the 60s. do you have any suggestions about how we can go about this or that she would even agree with the aspect of where we are headed. >> if there is enough people who believe that, then at cnn difference in
in the civil rights movement. others had been working in the movement, and albany since 61. this was 65. nay had -- they had also stard the movement in several other coupes in the area, and i tease him now because the gater had the worst reputation, and he had not come to baker county to help get the movement started there, but once my father, who was a leader in the community, was murdered, that was the one thing that really brought everyone together, and they were ready for it when they came in to help us start the baker county movement. >> wow. what's interesting to me is you really -- in the book, you really write about the way the legacy of trauma impacts you as a family so that even though we all know the landmark case, brown versus board of education, but you talk about the fact that when that happened, the black children who went to the white school lost all their black friends, couldn't make white friends, and found themselves living in no man's land. i don't think we have the chance to really feel the price that those young folk paid in order for us to be where we are that we get t
a book called "sons of mississippi," the book previous to this, a study of the civil rights south and integration of james meredith at the university of ol miss. i like to pick out subjects that i feel have a lot of resonance to the culture history biography. >> and paul's most recent book national book critic circle award finalist. thank you for joining us o up next on booktv mallory factor talks about the power of government employee unions and the impact it's had on policy making. this is just under an hour.
, but it's a pretty dangerous place to be. we need -- we need to have that conversation, the civil rights issue of the 21st century are that, race and poverty, and, of course, education is, indeed, governor romney said it the other day, i had to look at the notes to see i had it right, and the criminal justice system because in addition to the discrimination that violates the law, job discrimination, discrimination in housing and housing finance and so on, we have what we all know in terms of the structural, institutional discrimination of how our schools ordinary reason and opee systemmings and michelle alexander and the new jim crow, published by the new press, has made so clear how our criminal justice system operates. now, that's the basic set of things that we talk about in the book. i also talk, and i won't go into it in great length here, but about poverty in relation to place. our inner cities, app -- appalachia, colonial south texas, all of that because that's where we have the persistent poverty where we have the intergenerational poverty, and it -- i found it very interesting.
, engaged the senators in discussion of how he felt about the issues, and it became clear he felt the civil rights act, a thomas just think, he thought there was no such thing as a right to privacy to the constitution, and the senate by a vote of 58-42 said to conservative and he was voted down. ronald reagan nominated instead to that seat anthony kennedy, who was serving a liberal but was certainly no robert bork either. and he has had a long and distinguished career as, now the swing vote on the court. and that really, that set, that really set up the rehnquist years. accord which i wrote about in my last book, "the nine," and when i started looking at the supreme court in a serious way as a writer, i was inspired by book that i'm sure is familiar to many of you called the brethren by scott armstrong and bob woodward, really a great book, first real behind the scenes book of the supreme court. and 15, the theme of the book was also justices, regardless of politics couldn't stand were in burger. they thought he was at pompous jerk. that sort of contention has been the rule more than the ex
question front and center unlike in the civil rights and the feminists and many of the important movement of our time where there was fear of going in that direction, it would split people, they weren't ready for it, the police would be angry and all the rest of it. this is a movement that said, no, no, no, we're putting the question of the 1% right front and center. that opens a space that i have since filled, that this book is not doable without the space opened by occupy wall street for the interest. if i'm correct in understanding, this is now in its third printing, and it only appeared in may of this year. that -- the thanks go to the people like the occupy wall street people who are willing to break from the tradition not to be limited by the tweedledum, tweedledee either/or republican and democrat and are willing to now push in another direction. >> well, another question on the occupy movement is, was asked about, well, what's happened to it? it seems to have gone into some kind of reis access or stasis. recess or stasis. >> a great political leader of the left whose name i won't
refused to turn over records to a judge. civil contempt. and you could be imprisoned far longer on civil contempt and criminal because you do not have the right to appeal or to have a lawyer. no rights as in a criminal case. there are things of the system people are not aware of. average people like you and me. >> host: is it just the state? what about corporations or searches on the internet zero word behavior's or cellphones or all that information that is out there? >> of course, i am concerned with the ordinary citizen be a criminal probe i have a hard time drawing a line i a doubt they could exist unless they had state privilege or limited liability or syndication by the state i am not slamming big business it should get as big as it can in a free-market contest. led a flourish and prosper. but yes everyone will go after my data because they can make money off of it. as long as i have the ability to say no all are shut the door which the state does not let me do but i do with the free-market, then it is up to me. but slammed the door and say mind your own goddamn business. [laughter
was the attorney for the american civil liberties union. the judge would say, all right. we're going to have an argument on that point of law. parents to you want to come back into my office. leyritz was sick, no, let arthur and of that. i don't do that. earlier in his career, i don't know how many of you had to read but the author was an attorney. he became the legal partner. most of the legal brief writing, when they had to go into the appeals court was done by masters. there is a whole chapter about their very famous falling got and the incredible spite they had for each other for the rest of their lives. they were both very greedy, womanizers, and both convinced that they were literary men thrown into the wrong profession and what they really needed was peace and quiet that the other one make all the money so i can retreat to my office or write poetry and novels. it is a great untold story of american legal history. >> did daryl ever get involved in politics and endorsed any candidates, though i expect a candid it might not want his endorsement. >> one of the exciting things i found when
or the way it has to be done in the civil way, i think this has to be checked, but we cannot launch a war on the terms that we have now so it's not acceptable for anyone, but at the same time, the right that we are giving to some, we should also ask ourselves why there is a lack of consistency in our policies in the region, and this kind of demonization of iran is not helping the region to find solutions so this is one. the second is about what is happening in e just a -- egypt and in -- what was the point you were making was -- >> [inaudible] >> yes, what is happening, the attack against the american embassy, and this that, of course, it's going to be used by the media. it's going to be once again used by people saying, luxe, -- look, even now, what we said about the uprising, ends up with people against the west. inside, it was very much positive in the whole process over the months of the uprisings is new slogans against the west, new slogans against the united states or european country. it was mubarak and e regime, nothing against the west. it was powerful. it was internal talk and s
to the development to great civilization. to make powerful use of those hopeless to think about why it is geography with cultural aspects. >> due to the right sales to cross the atlantic voyages the development of technology italy made it more precious to open up a new geography on to the world conflict system. coulter and economics flow from geography the accumulated experience of specific people over hundreds of thousands of years that leads to traditions that could be identifiable. to have the deeply identifiable coulter is romania a specific coulter has been formed by the conflict from invaders of central europe are those that has fostered a vicious negotiating style character and i can go through every country or many countries to talk about that. >> talk about germany. calling germany as a big prison is caught between the north sea and the baltic to expand could only move east or west. that sounds like the kind of analysis that was popular one century ago but is out of fashion. when we think of germany today what is your analysis? >> writing a great history enter the the point* and was it had
Search Results 0 to 13 of about 14 (some duplicates have been removed)

Terms of Use (31 Dec 2014)